Music Of The Sioux And The Navajo

Music Of The Sioux And The Navajo

Ethnic Folkways Library FE 4401
Recorded in Indian Communities by Willard Rhodes, with the cooperation of The United Stats Office of Indian Affairs. Forwared by Willard Beatty and Rene d'Harnoncourt. Notes by Willard Rhodes.
Every ethnic group has developed some form of musical or rhythmic expression. Music is an essential and integral part of the ceremonial life of all peoples yet it is sometimes difficult for those raised in a different tradition to understand and accept musical forms which are unlike those with which they are familiar.
The music of the American Indians differs considerably from that of any other ethnic group. Though it possesses a basic similarity in the area north of Mexico it presents within this large framework a wealth of rhythmic and melodic subtleties, nuances which set apart the musical style of one tribe or group from that of another. These differences are plainly evident in the music of the Dakota (Sioux) and Navajo offered in this album. Because of the emphasis which many anthropologists placed on the collection of old ceremonial forms, many Americans think of Indian music as something which is dying out. Actually this is not the case. Throughout the Southwest Indian ceremonial music is in active and continuous use by most of the tribes, and throughout the Plains area a modern secular music has arisen which is vigorous and very much alive. New songs are constantly appearing among the various tribes and as the troubadours travel from group to group, visiting rodeos and other Indian gatherings, the more popular songs are passed from tribe to tribe and will be heard with minor adaptations around the campfires of tribes which are widely separated geographically.
The United States Indian Service believes that the American Indian has made a fundamental contribution to both art and music which the American people can ill afford to neglect. Much has been done in the last dozen years to arouse the interest of the general public in the arts and crafts of the Indians and much time has been spent in the recording of vital modern Indian music which should prove of interest to many Americans.
Professor Willard Rhodes of Columbia University has spent many summers traveling through the Indian Service and recording these modern song. Out of more than 1000 such recordings we have selected the recordings of Dakota (Sioux) and Navajo music which are to be found in this album. We believe that these are entirely representative of the music of these two tribes.
It is recognized that not everyone will enjoy these songs but it is believed that for those who are interested in exploring a musical expression different from their own these records will prove unusually rewarding.

Play song

Name

Performed by

Description

Native Words

Translation

Notes

Rabbit Dance Lucy Randall, Paul High Horse, Oliver Standing Bear and Jonas Quiver under the leadership of Benjamin Sitting Up. The Rabbit Dance is a modern social dance which was introduced on the Sioux reservation sometime during the past fifty years. The popularity which it enjoyed at its inception, comparable to the initial success of some of our own passing dance fads, is explained by the fact that this is the first dance in which the Sioux men and women danced together as couple.


Dancing is a favorite recreation of the Sioux and any meeting or social gathering may be made the occasion for a dance. Round and round a circle the couples dance with a shuffling step, two steps forward and one hesitating step backward. Weatherbeaten grandfathers and grandmothers, giggling adolescent girls, courting youths, and babies scarcely past the toddling state join in the hypnotic undulating rhythm of the moving circle as it rises and falls with the insistent, repetitive beat of the drum.


In the center of the circle (sometimes at the side) a group of male singers sit or stand around a large drum which provides the sole accompaniment to their rhythmic song. Each singer holds in his right hand a drum stick with which he forcibly beats the rhythmic pulse of music. The song is started by a leader who sings the opening phrase alone. As he approaches the end of the first phrase the other singers take up the song, not by joining the leader by by starting the song anew from the beginning, while the leader finishes his phrase. Upon reaching the end of the opening phrase the leader joins in the melody with the male chorus and from that point on the song is sung in unison. The women often add their voices to the refrain of the song while dancing but they are never admitted to the chorus, that being an exclusive activity of the men.


The Rabbit Dance songs are the modern love songs of the Sioux, and though the melodies reveal little or no influence from the music of Western European culture, the texts give ample evidence of the impact of white civilization upon the native culture. The text of this piece is sung in Dakota, the language of the Sioux, with the exception of the Initial word, "Dearie," which is sung in English. This patterned opening is characteristic of many Rabbit Dance Songs. The words, as in the Omaha Dance Songs, are not introduced until the melody has been set by singing it once through with meaningless syllables. The song is recorded here as sung by Lucy Randall, Paul High Horse, Oliver Standing Bear and Jonas Quiver under the leadership of Benjamin Sitting Up.

Dearie, I think the best of you,


But you are bad.


You fool me again and again.


Give me back that picture,


Then I will live away from you.

Male chorus, female voice, drum
Peyote Cult Song The Peyote Cult, or Native American Church, represents a curious blending of Christian symbolism and beliefs with rituals and practices of native Indian religions. During the past century the religion has spread from tribe to tribe, adjusting its practice to the culture of the various tribes while adhering to a central core of belief and ceremony. At the night-long meetings of the Cult, the central feature of the service is the ceremonial eating of the peyote the seed pod of a cactus imported from the Southwest which the Indians identify with the Supreme Being. The ecstatic trance induced by eating the peyote is supplemented by the hypnotic music which plays such an important role in the ceremony. The peyote songs, always sung by an individual singer, never by a group, are accompanied by a small gourd rattle which the singer shakes in a rapid tempo of regular pulsations while a drummer squate before him and marks the rhythm on a specially prepared water drum. Four being the sacred number, the songs are sung in sets of four, each song being sung four times. A few repeated hearings of peyote music suffices to impress the listener with the distinct vocal technique, melodic style and structural form which set these songs apart from other Indian music. Male voice, water-drum, gourd rattle.
Love Song Love songs were sung by young men as an act of court-ship. The words were of a personal nature and the aura of association which surrounded them carried a very special message to the Indian girl for whom the were sung. Among the stylistic features which distinguish these solo songs are the slow tempo, the nasal timbre of the voice, and the absence of strong accents and pulsating tone so predominant in music of the Plains area. Male voice
Sun Dance The traditional tribal religion of the Sioux was given its fullest expression in the Sun Dance, an elaborate ceremony which was held each year at the full moon of mid-summer. From far and near the bands of family groups of the tribe assembled to witness the fulfillment of vows made by their members to Wakantanka (Great Mysterious) and enjoy the social life which accompanied this annual rite. Vows varied in degree from mere fasting and dancing to self-torture effected by thrusting through the flesh of the chest skewers which were attached by cords to the sacred pole then dancing until the weight of the body tore the flesh thereby freeing the dancer. With the government prohibition of the Sun Dance in 1881 the final chapter of the old Sioux culture was completed. In the period of acculturation which followed the Sioux, after a brief and tragic essay with the nativistic Ghost Dance religion, turned to Christianity and the Peyote Cult, seeking therein the spiritual support and meaning which their old religion had furnished them.


The Sun Dance Song recorded here opens with an introduction in slow tempo accompanied by a tremolo roll in the drum which leads to the more rhythmic dance. A whistle made of the wing-bone of an eagle, formerly blown by the dancers, is heard in the second section of the song.

Male Chorus, eagle bone whistle, drum
This is a ceremonial song and cannot be used outside of it's original context, so it is not posted here.
Omaha Dance The Omaha Dance, so widely diffused through the tribes of great plains, has lost its functionalism and become a social dance. Formerly restricted to warrior members of the society it is today a vehicle for brilliantly costumed dancers who not only find emotional release in their exhibitionistic and individualistic dancing but provide entertainment for the onlookers. Bells attached to the legs and ankles of the dancers, an essential part of their costumes, supply an exciting rhythmic accompaniment to the song. The Omaha song in this album was inspired by the recent World War II in which so many Indians of all tribes gave their lives. From across the ocean


The Japanese came charging.


The President wanted our help


So the Sioux boys went over there.

Male chorus, drum, bells
Flute Solo The flute was used for love charming and serenading. This instrument has become a museum relic of the poast and its rarity among North American Indians today suggests that it may never have been as common in their musical culture as is generally believed. The technique of flute making and flute playing as practiced by the Indians, would tend to limit the instrument to a small group of specialized musicians. The great flute makers and flute players are gone, and we are especially fortunate in preserving in this album one of the flute melodies played by John Coloff. The melody here presented has also been recorded as a love song with words. The upward interval of a sixth, the regular phrases, and the words, reflecting the influence of white culture, leads one to date the song in the last half of the nineteenth century. Solo flute
Honoring Song This song may be heard throughout the year at any social gathering on the reservation. Since generosity is one of the four cardinal virtues recognized and stressed in the Sioux culture, public giving has become an institutionalized form for acquiring social prestige. Any act of generosity or bravery, either on a personal or social level, will prompt the singing of the Honoring Song as a token of public recognition. Mixed chorus, drum
Riding Song Until recent years the horse was the sole means of traversing the great distances of the reservation. This song and other of its type are sung while riding horseback to protect the rider from evil spirits which may assail him. Witchcraft is a constant source of social uneasiness and mutual suspiciousness. Mixed chorus
Song Of Happiness This song was sung by the women to sustain the moral and hope of the men during the confinement of the Navajo at Fort Sumner following their capitulation to Kit Carson in 1864. It is recorded here as sung by a group of Junior High School children at For Wingate Indian School. One of the boys having discovered that he could play this native melody on his harmonica, joined the drummer in supplying an instrumental accompaniment to the song. Children's chorus, drum, harmonica
Spinning Song The Spinning Dance is an old social dance in which the dancers spin circles within circles. The two songs presented here are sung by Julia Deal whose voice is one of the loveliest on the reservation. Though most of the ceremonial singing is done by the men, women have been and still are chanters. They find great enjoyment in informal singing as they follow their daily routine of home life. Female voice
Spinning Song The Spinning Dance is an old social dance in which the dancers spin circles within circles. The two songs presented here are sung by Julia Deal whose voice is one of the loveliest on the reservation. Though most of the ceremonial singing is done by the men, women have been and still are chanters. They find great enjoyment in informal singing as they follow their daily routine of home life. Female voice
Corn Grinding Song In maintaining his harmonious relation to the forces of the universe, the most commonplace acts of daily living assume a cosmic significance for the Navajo. Every man and woman knows and performs rituals, prayers, and songs of a personal nature. They may be directed to the planting of corn, the increase and care of sheep and horses, trading, and for general good hope. It is in this category that the Corn Grinding Songs belong. Before beginning the grinding of the corn, white corn meal was offered to the gods, and was ceremonially thrown or sprinkled on the heads, front, back, sides and top, of the singer and persons grinding. The Corn Grinding Songs are becoming rapidly obsolete and rare, as corn meal, once so laboriously ground, is disappearing from the domestic economy to be replaced by white flour from the trader's store. Female voice, basket drum
Squaw Dance The Squaw Dance was once an incidental element of the War Ceremony, a chant whose function was the purification of those who had been defiled by contact with the enemy. Today the ceremonial is used as a curative chant for those who sickness is believed to result from contact with non-Navajos, and the Squaw Dance has become the chief attraction, drawing great crowds who travel long distances to participate in the social life that attends the event. This dance serves a social function not unlike that of the debutante ball or "coming-out" party in white society, for it is here that girls of marriageable age are brought to meet prospective husbands. The girls, often with coaching and urging from their mothers, choose their partners for the dance from among the eligible young men, and it is customary for the man to pay the girl for the dance.


The music of the Squaw Dance, like all other Indian music, is peculiarly perfect for the function for which it is intended. Without the natural setting of these songs much of their beauty is lost. A cool summer night in a pine forest, high in the mountains of Arizona, the picturesque circle of dancers which surrounds a huge bonfire, the outer circle of camp fires with horses and wagons, and automobiles and trucks of every description make one acutely sensitive to the strange beauty of this music.


The Navajo distinguish between the old and new Squaw Dance songs. The songs recorded here are old ones. Squaw Dance songs are short and after a few repetitions it is usual for some leader to start another song. Thus the songs enchain themselves into fortuitous cycles which are not fixed and in which there is no organic relationship between songs. The Squaw Dance, because of its social and secular character, offers song-makers an opportunity in creative activity and originality which is denied them in most of the ceremonial music where great stress is placed on accuracy of performance of chants as they were received from the gods.

Male chorus, drum
Silversmiths Song This song is sung by Abrose Roan Horse, one of the master silversmiths of the Navajo. He always works with a song in his heart, and often it is voiced to the accompaniment of his anvil. The song and its use is another example of the oneness of Navajo culture. Male voice, anvil
Night Chant (Yeibichai) Navajo religion is an elaborate highly developed complex of beliefs, mythology, rituals, songs, and prayers, which pervades every aspect of Navajo life. It is through the living of their religion, and the careful observance and practice of fixed rituals and ceremonials that The People maintain a harmonious relationship with the mysterious forces of the universe and gain a sense of security. There are thirty-five major ceremonials, generally referred to as chants, most of which are directed toward curing sickness. These ceremonials, varying in length from two to nine days, are conducted by a medicine man known as a Singer. It is believed that the ceremonials and the esoteric lore of the Singer have been transmitted through an unbroken succession of Singers from the gods who gave ceremonial power to the first Navajos.


The Night Chant, popularly known as the Yeibichai (Grandfather of the Gods) is an important nine day ceremony which may not be performed until after the first killing frost. It is this ceremony that boys and girls are initiated into the ceremonial life of the tribe by two masked dancers who impersonate the Grandfathers of the Monsters and Female Divinity. On the last night of the ceremony which is open to the public, Yeibichai appears with a company of masked gods and dances. After a weird, unearthy call of the gods, the dancers shake their rattles with a sweeping movement from the ground to their heads, then whirl to the opposite direction and repeat the rattling. Following this formalized introduction, the dancers begin their rhythmic dance and song, accompanying themselves with the rattles. The hypnotic power of this music is cumulative as an endless profusion of Yeibichai songs follow on another throughout the night. Dance teams which have spent weeks and months in preparation for the ceremony compete with one another not only in the excellence of their singing and dancing, but in the introduction of new Yeibichai songs. The seemingly meaningless syllables of the songs are not without significance for the Navajos.


In comparing the Navajo Yeibichai Dance with the Sioux Omaha Dance one notes that the former is strictly formalized, the work of an ensemble, whereas the latter is highly individualistic and frenetic, providing for a large measure of originality on the part of each dancer. The vocal technique and manner of singing of the two tribes vary greatly. A distinctive feature of the Yeibichai songs is the dextrous alternation between normal singing voice and falsetto, which contrary to popular belief is rather rare in American Indian music. These particular melodies tend to employ even wider intervals than Plains tunes, displaying almost acrobatic feats in bounding back and forth between octaves, while the continual down-trend, so conspicuous in the Plains, is here counteracted by the bold upward leaps. (Helen M. Roberts, Musical Areas in Aboriginal America)

Male chorus, gourd rattles